I Cry for Africa – Part 2

My earlier post I Cry For Africa – Part 1,  was a lamentation in general about the inept leadership, governance and extremely poor implementation of so called western democracies or imported systems of politics and a possible reason as to why this is the case. I also generally advocated for the breakup of the countries as defined by the so called Berlin Conference and creation of home grown and defined units that better reflect our peculiar African social and economic structures.

Well a number of events have transpired since that time that require us to dig deeper and take a far much more critical review

1. There have been many secessionist movements not just BreXit but others in Africa as well as Europe. The Catalona break away has currently captured the worlds attention and especially that of Spain, who are currently brutally repressing the movement. Our dear friend Adongo has also mentioned a similar crisis in Canada. Cameroon is currently considering secession, and there are many others. In fact this post is inspired by the article provided by Nyatieng re: New Colonialism of Africa

2. Locally the Jubilee government has escalated brutality and repression of the democratic will of those opposed to their mode of leadership and electoral theft. Gory images litter social media, and AMREF has also released data on state instigated violence and death meted out to persons in zones deemed to harbor opposition members, irrespective of whether the victims were participating in the demonstrations or were simply going about their daily lives.

3. But most importantly, I stumbled across and was pleasantly surprised to discover an ongoing and well researched history of Africa compiled into a very comprehensive reading. The publication(s) covers a tremendous depth of material and provides a lot of missing links and information.

It is this last piece of information that makes the core of this post  aptly labelled part 2.

The “SANKOFA” – Used as a symbol of the Pedagogical use of  GHA 


Sankofa teaches us that we must go back to our roots in order to move forward. That is, we should reach back and gather the best of what our past has to teach us, so that we can achieve our full potential as we move forward.


Please do NOTE that due to the voluminous nature of the content, am still reading through and processing, so I will be providing inputs, comments and any other observations as I peruse through the material. In this regard this page will be edited periodically as new observations are made. I believe most observations will be based on Volumes 6 through 8, but we will find out soon enough

Naturally not being a historian, this stuff is both new and extremely fascinating to catch up with, but for those of you that have already had the chance to read the volumes or similar material please kindly do share your valued contribution

If this is new material for you please do read on

UNESCO have a publication called the General History of Africa (GHA), which is a 9 volume document that provides perhaps the first and only true history of Africa dating way back to ancient civilizations to modern day.

It is an on-going effort in the sense that Volume IX is currently under active development and production since about 2011 or 2013 and is obtaining inputs from across many partners and actors.

I cannot say how grateful I am to UNESCO for endeavoring to set the African historical record straight and for this publication. I hope this provides fresh insight on our rich heritage, as well as shed some light on some of the darkest times experienced in this continent and its people. Happy reading folks be warned each volume averages 700 pages

Volumes 1 through 8 have been produced over a 5 decade period or more starting back from mid 1960’s

The official documentation or collection can be found on this link General History of Africa, but for the convenience DeepCogitation readers I have presented the volumes in the following pages of this post

About The GHA Project


Table of Contents  (Click on the titles to go to each volume)


Volume I – Methodology and African Prehistory

Volume II – Ancient Civilizations of Africa

Volume III – Africa from the 7th to the 11th Century

Volume IV – Africa from the 12th to 16th Century

Volume V – Africa from 16th to 18th Century

Volume VI – Africa in the 19th Century until 1880s

Volume VII – Africa under Colonial Domination 1880 – 1935

Volume VIII – Africa since 1935

Volume IX – Under Development

President Kenyatta Government a failure on all fronts, pursuing vengeance politics

A_Elect_Uhuru_RutoPresident Kenyatta government has caused the breakdown of the structures of governance, failure on all fronts from economy to external affairs, engaged in dispensation of pursuing a politics of vendetta and selectively targeting opponents. It is abundantly clear that the government’s mindset was one of perpetual confrontation and containment of divergent opinion.

Kenyatta regime is hallmark of democratic regression. For the last 3 years, President Kenyatta government has been insulting, silencing and belittling political opponents. There is justifiably lead for one to the inference that this government does not believe in bipartisan consensus on issues that concern Kenya’s national interests.

Knee-jerk responses and abrupt changes with regard to many national issues have caused setbacks leading to belittling of issues and country’s response thereto, both at national and regional level. Hype, photo opportunities and high profile events cannot be a substitute for serious foreign, economic and , security diplomacy.

President Kenyatta Government’s tenure in office is marked by gross non-delivery, acknowledged failure to fulfil the promises given to the nation and a betrayal of the people, particularly the poor, disadvantaged and the unemployed. It has used smokescreens to hide its failures.

The government has no quality and quantitive jobs creation record but slow growth of economy. The three years of Kenyatta regime has been marked by unaccountable centralization of power, policy making and administrative decisions. This authoritarian style of functioning has resulted in breakdown of the structures of governance, which has paralyzed administration and undermined independence of institutions of governance institutions.

The political atmosphere in the country has been vitiated by design and default in furtherance of Jubilee government’s divisive agenda. There has been a state orchestrated campaign unleashed which has created turbulence, disharmony and distrust and undermined social unity.

Probity, transparency and accountability have suffered a body blow. Mr. Kenyatta has brazened it out and does not act, when serious allegations of corruption and acts of omission and commission surfaced in his regime. Naming of 175 public officials for allegations of corruption and abuse of office was just a smokescreen and opportunity to reorganize his government but not act of tackling corruption.

Ironically, for a leader and party who has been promising transparency and accountability, Mr. Kenyatta , instead of taking any action, has practiced only double-standards, double-speak and hypocrisy on corruption and other governance malpractices.

All the claims of the government particularly with regard to the economic growth and the dynamism that policies are far removed from the ground realities. There has been gross mismanagement of Kenya economy. The GDP growth rate is flat or going down. If one goes by the old methodology, the GDP has grown only at average (a rate of) 5.3% and the government and has been forced to make a downward revision of the earlier growth projection.

If one goes by the Economic Survey, there is a downward revision. So, the earlier projected growth will not be achieved. The debt-to-GDP ratio gone up to 53.6%. The domestic investment sentiment is very low and there are mounting job losses and the youth of the country have been let down. Instead of new jobs being created, jobs are being lost.

In recent months, there has been a sharp decline in jobs in the manufacturing sector because exports have been in a free fall when there are official claims of an emerging economy.

Kenyans are desperate for the 2017 general elections, to get rid of this incompetent government.

AMANI 2013 running-mate Jeremiah Kioni confirms Project Mudavadi role as “spoiler candidate”

jeremiah-kioniA “spoiler aspirant” presence in an election is meant to draws votes from a major candidate thereby giving a weaker opponent leverage to win. The lackey candidate causing this poll effect is usually referred to as a spoiler and, short of any electoral fraud, spoilers usually presents no grounds for a legal challenge.

Exactly three years ago, on 22 Jan 2013, after months of playing cat and mouse with ODM leader Raila Odinga, UDF’s Musalia Mudavadi of the Amani Coalition named the then outgoing Ndaragwa MP Jeremiah Kioni as his running mate for the 2013 general election. Mudavadi told the assembled media that he arrived at the decision after “painstaking reflection from an initial list of 100 people and that his choice was not influenced by tribe and politics of numbers”

While unveiling his running mate, Mudavadi showered the PNU hawk and Kibaki sycophant with praises saying “my running mate has displayed the ability to lead, he has always respected and fought for the rule of law, has been an example to many leaders in the country and has the interest of Kenyans at heart.”

In an interview with a local radio station early this week, Jeremiah Ngayu Kioni confirmed, without any shade of regret, that Mudavadi’s 2013 presidential bid was a carefully scripted charade. Kioni confirmed that when he and his family visited Kanyagia Primary School in Ndaragwa constituency, none of his six family members voted Mudavadi in the 2013 general elections. Indeed, when presidential votes were analysed; Mudavadi did not manage a single vote from the entire Ndaragwa constituency, which by then had about 50,000 registered voters.

Speaking very confidently on radio, Kioni made damning allegations including the fact that he knew all along that Mudavadi’s bid was to split the Western vote and therefore deny CORD’s Raila Odinga an outright win. Kioni also openly revealed that a series of meetings had been held at State House Nairobi between himself, Mudavadi, Uhuru, Kibaki and their close aides at which time it was agreed they would be given a party, they would be fully funded and friendly media would ensure they get adequate publicity; but the ultimate intention was not to win, or serve in the opposition ranks, but to give the Uhuruto Jubilee coalition its much needed boost by splitting Luhya votes that would otherwise have gone to the CORD coalition. In the end, Mudavadi managed 483,981 votes nationally in a controversial and poorly managed general election.

Kioni announced on Radio Maisha that he would seeking to reclaim his parliamentary seat in the forthcoming 2017 general elections via a Jubilee ticket and that his dalliance with Mudavadi is a closed chapter having already done the job he was contracted to do – meaning deny Raila Odinga the presidency. Kioni hopes to be rewarded by the voters of Nyandarua for standing with Uhuru Kenyatta in 2013. Meanwhile, Mudavadi’s UDF has rebranded to ANC, and as the season approaches, we wait to see how far his “spoiler effect” will impact the 2017 general elections.

Be very afraid of the “KDF Amendment Bill 2015”

The so-called “KDF Amendment Bill 2015” is the biggest threat to civil liberties and democracy in Kenya ever since the repeal of Section 2A of the constitution that had hitherto declared Kenya as a single party state.

Through the KDF amendment bill, Jubilee’s parliamentary dictatorship is seeking to invoke a law that would hand President Uhuru Kenyatta sweeping powers without safeguards that would effectively turn Kenya into a military state without any checks and balances.

The laws will will mark Kenya’s deepening descent into tyranny and will among other scary features effectively make the National Youth Service a key player in internal security and give the Defence docket a blank cheque to unilaterally spend tax payer money.

If these laws are enacted, it would be a severe blow to Kenya’s long and torturous reform journey and would inevitably portend dire consequences for multiparty democracy in Kenya and the entire region.

Here are some points form the proposed law;

1. The role of Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) in internal security could go a notch higher if a proposed new Bill becomes law.

2. The KDF Amendment Bill 2015, if enacted into law, will give express authority to the Chief of the Defence Forces to deploy KDF in civilian operations.

3. The move significantly shifts operational and command powers currently vested in the Inspector General of Police (IGP).

4. Similarly, the Defence Cabinet Secretary (CS) will not play a major role in the delegation of civilian functions to the Chief of staff.

5. The Bill, at publication stage, has the hallmarks of the composition of disciplined forces in Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia and Sudan, where there are no clear cut delimitation of the functions of the police and military.

In Uganda and Ethiopia, for instance, the Army is deployed during elections to man polling stations. The proposed law is expected to draw resistance from Opposition, human rights groups and even within government circles.

6. The Bill also envisages establishment of an auxiliary reserve force comprising Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS), Kenya Forest Service (KFS) and National Youth Service (NYS) to serve alongside the KDF.

“The president may in situations of emergency or disaster or during war, unrest, or disaster, order that the auxiliary forces comprising forest guards and NYS be employed to serve with KDF or otherwise in the defence of the nation whether within or outside,” reads the Bill.

7. Under the Bill, the KDF boss has immense powers to monitor implementation of policies, operations and directions issued to service commanders.

8. Under the new Bill, the President has the power to extend the terms of office for the chief, vice chief and service commanders of KDF for a period not exceeding one year.

9. The Bill also seeks to extend the retirement age of the KDF chief from 62 to 64 years.

“The President may, on the recommendation of the Defense Council, extend the term in office of the Chief of the Defense Forces, the Vice Chief of the Defence Forces or the Service Commanders for a period not exceeding one year,” reads the Bill.

The council will direct and oversee deployment of KDF as authorised under this Act and also develop criteria for the recruitment, promotion and transfer of members of the Defence Forces.

10. The bill abolishes requirement for KDF to advertise slots as per counties. It also insulates KDF operations, including appropriation of its budget and functions, from public scrutiny by denying Parliament the oversight role.
However, Parliament would oversight deployment of troops in various operations.

“The Bill proposes to amend section 285 of the KDF Act and repeal section 289 of the same law, which stipulates that KDF should not hold accounts separate from those by the Ministry of Defence,” reads the Bill.

This means that KDF will have its own vote independent of the ministry’s budgetary allocation as appropriated by the National Assembly.

The law currently requires the CS to table an annual report in Parliament and to the Executive, which includes itemised statements on utilisation of public funds by KDF, but the Bill proposes to quash this requirement.

11.In a bid to ensure activities of KDF remain a closely guarded secret, the proposed law seeks to repeal section 290 of the Act to avoid the publication of Defense Council matters deemed to be prejudicial to national security.

Why Kenya must pass referendum now to avert disaster later



By Dr Noah Akala (M. B. Ch. B, MBA)

A wise (wo)man once said, “there is nothing new under the sun!” In this same regard, the myriad of challenges that Kenya is facing in the transition from the old constitutional dispensation to the new are not unique to this Republic. Ranging from lack of political will to questionable capacity, the bottlenecks come thick and fast, one after the other. A quick study of modern African history reveals overlapping parallels with other jurisdictions. A good example are the socio-political similarities we share with Liberia.

While we have been fortunate as a country not to have suffered a civil conflict to the same extent as the Land of the Liberated did, we have not entirely escaped the pang of bloodshed in our national past. The stain of the 2007/2008 Post Election Violence still blots the otherwise progressive story of Kenya. This, however, pales in comparison to Liberia that has endured two civil wars most recently between 1999 to 2003. This bloody conflict was brought to an end following the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement stewarded by the United States Institute for Peace. Students of Kenyan politics will draw a parallel between this social contract and the Koffi Annan mid-wifed National Accord and Reconciliation Act.

Both bore a peaceful resolution to the political conflicts that prompted their drafting. Both documents, in my view, are also the most relevant to the modern day context of Africa ever developed. My reason for saying so is simple. Both took an in depth (and eerily similar) view as to the raison d’être as to why the conflicts erupted in the first place. The Kenyan Accord laid out glaring electoral malpractice, perceived judicial rot and societal inequity as key contributors to the spark that lit the flame. The Liberian Agreement identified similar issues in their society alongside a strong feeling of ethnic disenfranchisement and economic marginalization from the embers of their civil war.

Both documents prescribed a consensus-based political cure to the ills set out in the preamble; what were laid out as Agenda Four items in our Accord were detailed in elaborate form in the Decentralization and Devolution roadmap for Liberia. The only difference is that the Liberian context took into consideration the consequences of failing to implement their national resolutions. That is what we have failed to do as a nation.

The current administration haughtily took over the reins of power following the controversial Supreme Court ruling arising from the contested March 4th polls making it clear to their electoral adversaries that the game was up and it was their proverbial “turn to eat.” Since then, the frequency with which we hear it said by TNA/URP top honchos that this is a Jubilee Government and not a Kenyan one serves as an illustration of the attitude adopted by those entrusted with leadership. The President’s dismissal of the recent call for dialogue by the Opposition further entrenched this perception among the 5 million Kenyans who voted for CORD that not only are they electoral losers but are now voiceless tenants in their own homeland. This return to politics of exclusion and marginalization is exactly what took Kenya to the brink in 2007 and what tipped Liberia over in 1999. And this is why Devolution must succeed.

This brief analysis of African history is meant to illustrate to the reader the political necessity for a Referendum. The issues brought forth to do with devolution, constitutional commissions, land reform and inequality are so pertinent that they cannot be brushed off with casual promises of legislation. It would be nothing short of irresponsible if we were that laissez-faire with our national destiny. We have to make a deliberate choice as a country to swallow the medicine, as bitter as it may taste to some, so as to ensure complete cure of the ills that have plagued us for the past 50 years since independence.

The writer is a Public Administration masters student at the Kenya School of Government.

Opinion: Why Caroli Omondi Ought to be accountable

CAROLI-OMONDIToday’s headlines make distressing and traumatic reading to millions Kenyans of goodwill who supported and voted for the CORD candidate in the last general elections. Other press reports attributed to the the former Chief of Staff in the office of the Prime Minister Caroli Omondi include incredulous claims against Head of the Secretariat Eliud Owalo.

We now need to bury this ghost of the last elections by asking Caroli Omondi to be transparent and publicly accountable:

For starters, the news headlines would have been better spelt out : “RAILA WON  THE POLL ,BUT CAROLI CONNIVED WITH JUBILEE TO  STEAL THE VOTE”…

Can Caroli Omondi deny the following:

1. Caroli Omondi abused his position as Chief of Staff by hijacking the recruitment of party agents from the mainstream campaign machinery, and set up an autonomous agents and recruitment machinery answerable to him under the directive and guidance from the the then security apparatus.

2. Caroli Omondi conspired with the then Kibaki government when they supplied him with an unvetted parallel group of CORD COALITION presidential agents, most of whom are suspected to be NSI agents who gave their results to their head office for manipulation, and onward feed to Bomas of Kenya IEBC tallying centre through the underground firbre optic cable unearthed by Jicho Pevu.

3. Caroli Omondi  siphoned Ksh. 94 million that he was given by the CORD coalition for payment of wages to agents and other support staff; and that many of these agents remain unpaid to date, and the money remains unaccounted to date?

4. Caroli Omondi set up a parallel tallying centre which never furnished the CORD Presidential candidate and the campaign secretariat with any data/statistics but instead reported directly to Kimemia and Gichangi. (As yourself how 1.5 million voters showed up to vote for Uhuru as president, but discarded ballot papers for all other other gubernatorial or parliamentary aspirants)

5. Even before the March polls,Caroli Omondi was baited with the job of a Cabinet Secretary in the Jubilee government by Kimemia and Gichangi as a reward for being part of the Raila rigging machinery but the plot was only scuttled later by URP’s William Ruto due to past differences related to the special grain reserve maize scam.

6. Caroli Omondi found Mr. Owalo difficult to manipulate then later went and recruited Franklin Bett to come and oversee Raila Odinga campaign as a way of sabotaging the main secretariat. It now emerges Bett was ALSO promised the position board chairman at the Lamu Port Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) Corridor project, the position Uhuruto decided to  reward to and pull out to fellow ICC indictee Francis Muthaura  out of retirement. Bett is now a dejected farmer in South Rift.

7. Besides the IEBC, Caroli Omondi is the biggest facilitator of rigging of the 2013 presidential election, where he not only reaped financial rewards by squandering campaigns kitty, but also systematically undermined the work of the CORD coalition and Raila Presidential Campaign Secrertariat, a fact that is corroborated by two other former senior members of the campaign team Wafula Buke and Rosemary Kariuki-Machua.

8. After being omitted from Uhuruto cabinet, and like many others before him, Caroli Omondi has now taken up the role of Raila-bashing with the hope of attracting Uhuruto attention in order to gain employment in the government.

Predictably, Caroli Omondi is today evading press enquiries for clarification on his personal role by referring the enquiries to ODM-SG Anyang Nyongo and PM Spokesperson Denis Onyango, yet this people had no say or role in the twin campaign he was running.

Please be accountable MR. CAROLI OMONDI!!